Examine and critique the peer-reviewed article attached in weekly reading, Assessing the Direct and Indirect Effects of Legitimacy on Public Empowerment of Police: A Study of Public Support for Police Militarization in America. This discussion post is an abbreviated version of the Academic Journal Article Critique. You are to include the following:
Introduction (1/2 page)
Description of the Problem or Issue (1/2 page)
Analysis (1/2 page)
Discussion (1/2 page)
Critique (1/2 page)
Conclusion (1/2 page)
References
Assessing the Direct and Indirect Effects of
Legitimacy on Public Empowerment of Police: A
Study of Public Support for Police Militarization in
America
Richard K. Moule, Jr. George W. Burruss
Megan M. Parry Bryanna Fox
The process-based model dominates contemporary American research on
police-community relations and perceptions of police. A sizable literature has
examined the linkages between procedural justice, legitimacy, compliance
with the law, and cooperation with police. Less examined is the relationship
between legitimacy and public empowerment of police. This study examines
this relationship, focusing on police militarization. We first examine the
direct effect of legitimacy on public willingness to allow police to become
more militarized. Drawing from cognitive psychology and rational choice
theories, we then consider indirect paths between legitimacy and empower-
ment, concentrating on two anticipated consequences of militarization—an
increase in police effectiveness and possible harm to civil liberties. Using a
national sample of over 700 American adults, and structural equation model-
ing, results indicate legitimacy has both direct and indirect effects on police
empowerment, in part by shaping assessments of the possible consequences
of empowerment. Implications for theory and policy are discussed.
Tyler’s (2006) process-based model of policing is now a staple
of American research on public perceptions and community rela-
tions with law enforcement. This is best illustrated by the promi-
nent place of the model in the President’s Task Force on 21st
Century Policing’s (2015) final report. This task force, initiated
by President Obama in the aftermath of civil unrest in major
American cities, emphasized the importance of trust and civil
relationships between police and the communities they serve.
The core of the process-based model holds that the actions of
the police influence the behaviors and perceptions of the public
in two stages (Mazerolle et al. 2013). First, procedurally just
treatment of the citizenry by authorities enhances the legitimacy
of those authorities. Second, legitimacy should encourage volun-
tary citizen compliance with the law as well as their cooperation
with police (Tyler 2006; Tyler and Huo 2002). A robust body of
research spanning psychology, management, and criminology
Please direct all correspondence to Richard K. Moule Jr., Department of Criminology,
University of South Florida, 4202 E. Fowler Ave., Tampa FL 33620; e-mail: [email protected]
Law & Society Review, Volume 53, Number 1 (2019): 77–107
© 2018 Law and Society Association. All rights reserved.
77
mailto:[email protected]
has assessed the underlying assumptions of the process-based
model, finding widespread support for the theory (Tyler 2017).
Indeed, this body of evidence has led some researchers to char-
acterize the “front end” of the process-based model—the links
between procedural justice and legitimacy—as a “well-trodden
path” (Mazerolle et al. 2013: 34).
The problem, however, is that while the core components of the
process-based model have been assessed and supported among Amer-
icans (see Tyler 2003, 2004, 2006, 2017), other aspects of the theory
remain under-examined. This is especially true regarding the conse-
quences of legitimacy. In addition to cooperation and compliance with
the law and its agents, Sunshine and Tyler (2003) proposed an
“empowerment hypothesis,” where the public exhibits a greater will-
ingness to grant police more discretion to enforce the law. According
to this hypothesis, willingness is a function of legitimacy; as perceptions
of legitimacy increase, so too should this willingness. Understanding
public willingness to empower the police is particularly timely, given
the increasingly contentious and visible divide in the United States
between police and the communities they serve (President’s Task
Force on 21st Century Policing 2015). Chief among these issues is the
militarization of the police (Balko 2013; Kraska 2007; Page 2014).
Police militarization refers to the process by which police
agencies take on more and more characteristics of the military,
including appearance, behavior, and use of surplus military equip-
ment (Balko 2013; Kraska 2007). In the wake of civil unrest, and
the subsequent police response, seen in Ferguson, Missouri, and
elsewhere over the past few years, debates about police militariza-
tion have arisen and persisted. These debates emphasized the
possible consequences of militarization. Assessments of these pos-
sible consequences reflect rational concerns on the part of stake-
holders and practitioners (Turner and Fox 2017). Some have
argued militarization is a necessary development that will increase
the effectiveness of law enforcement, helping officers fight crime
and maintain public safety (Madhani 2014). Others still have
expressed concern about the harmful implications of militarization
for civil liberties (ACLU 2014; Lynch 2014). Such concerns are
likely to be echoed by members of the American public. We argue
perceptions of these possible consequences of police militarization
are anchored by legitimacy and, in turn, also influence public will-
ingness to empower police (e.g., Tversky and Kahneman 1974).
To that end, the current study examines the influence of
police legitimacy on the American public’s willingness to empower
the police to become more militarized. Drawing on insights from
cognitive psychology and rational choice theory, we then consider
whether legitimacy influences the perceived consequences of mili-
tarization, and whether these perceived consequences act as
78 Effects of Legitimacy on Public Empowerment of Police
indirect pathways linking legitimacy and empowerment. Using a
national sample of 702 American adults, and a structural equation
modeling (SEM) strategy (Bollen 1989; Bowen and Guo 2011),
we seek to address two questions: (1) does legitimacy have a direct
effect on public empowerment of police? And (2) does legitimacy
exert indirect effects on empowerment through instrumental con-
cerns about the potential consequences of militarization? Our
overall goal is to elaborate on how legitimacy influences the Amer-
ican publics’ willingness to empower the police. We begin by dis-
cussing the process-based model of policing and its consequences.
The Process-Based Model of Policing and its Consequences
Legitimacy refers to the public’s views toward legal authorities
(Lind and Tyler 1988; Trinkner and Cohn 2014; Tyler 2006). Spe-
cifically, legitimacy is “a property of an authority or institution that
leads people to feel that that authority or institution is entitled to
be deferred to and obeyed” (Sunshine and Tyler 2003: 514; see
also Weber 1968). Legitimacy is necessary, as institutions of gover-
nance function with the consent of the governed (Sabine 1937;
see also Locke 1988). Police legitimacy is specifically an individual
normative orientation toward the police, reflecting a combination
of trust in law enforcement as well as feelings of obligation to obey
the police (Parry et al. 2017; Reisig et al. 2007; Tyler 2006; Wolfe
et al. 2016; but see Barbalet 2009; Bottoms and Tankebe 2012;
Johnson et al. 2014; Kaina 2008).
Legitimacy is cultivated by the police in a number of ways,
including demonstrating their effectiveness (Kochel et al. 2013;
Tankebe 2009, 2013; Taylor et al. 2015), distributing resources in
a fair and equitable way (e.g., Epp et al. 2014; Tankebe 2013),
respecting the bounds of their lawful authority (Huq et al. 2017),
and treating the citizens they come in contact with in a fair and
just manner (e.g., Lind and Tyler 1988; Tyler 2006, 2017). In
Western countries, including America, legitimacy is commonly
considered to be generated by police engaging in procedurally
just practices (Hinds and Murphy 2007; Mazerolle et al. 2013;
Tyler, 2006, 2017). When police are perceived as behaving in a
procedurally just fashion—being fair, respectful, and courteous
toward citizens during interactions they may have, making deci-
sions based on the facts of a given situation, and allowing citizens
to have a say in their decision-making process—they are seen as
more legitimate by the public (Mazerolle et al. 2013; Tyler 2006,
2017; Tyler and Huo 2002; Wolfe et al. 2016; Worden and
McLean 2017a, 2017b).
Moule, Burruss, Parry, & Fox 79
Legitimacy is particularly important for the police, as law
enforcement relies on the voluntary assistance of citizens to main-
taining order and public safety (Decker 1981; Frank et al. 2005;
Huang and Vaughn 1996; Reiss 1971). Indeed, legitimacy influ-
ences a number of citizen beliefs and behaviors related to these
outcomes. When police are seen as more legitimate, citizens are
more likely to cooperate with them and comply with the law
(e.g., Donner et al. 2015; Jackson et al. 2012; Reisig et al. 2011).
Sunshine and Tyler (2003) suggest an additional consequence of
legitimacy: public willingness to empower police. This
“empowerment hypothesis” holds that as the perceived legitimacy
of law enforcement increases, the public is more willing to grant
discretion, or a wider latitude, to police to execute their duties
(Pryce 2016; Sunshine and Tyler 2003). This enhanced discretion
can involve practices that may be seen controversial by members
of the public (e.g., Gau and Brunson 2010; White and Fradella
2016; see Sunshine and Tyler 2003).
While legitimacy and procedural justice have received much
attention by researchers, the empowerment hypothesis remains
largely unexamined. To our knowledge, only three studies have
examined the influence of legitimacy on empowerment, finding
tentative support for the relationship. Sunshine and Tyler (2003)
examined willingness to give police greater autonomy
(e.g., conducting “stop and question” stops with members of the
public; having the ability to do whatever they feel is necessary to
fight crime). Using SEM, and two samples of New York City resi-
dents, the pair demonstrated that legitimacy had a moderate posi-
tive effect on police empowerment. Among Ghanaian immigrants
in Washington, DC, Pryce (2016) found obligation to obey the
police to have similar effects. Metcalfe and Hodge (2017) also
found, among Israeli adults, that elements of legitimacy were
robust correlates of public willingness to empower police to fight
terrorism. Despite this evidence, additional research into this rela-
tionship is necessary, as these studies did not fully elaborate on
why legitimacy might influence empowerment. In the following
section, we consider possible indirect paths through which legiti-
macy may affect public empowerment of the police.
Indirect Paths Linking Legitimacy and Empowerment:
Anchoring and the Perceived Consequences of
Empowerment
The crux of the process-based model is twofold. First, proce-
dural justice underpins the legitimacy of law enforcement. Sec-
ond, legitimacy has consequences for the relationship between the
80 Effects of Legitimacy on Public Empowerment of Police
public and legal institutions (Sunshine and Tyler 2003); specifi-
cally, legitimacy is a key contributor to how individuals think, feel,
and act toward police (e.g., compliance and cooperation; Tyler
2006). These normative orientations toward the police extend to
the public willingness to empowerment of police and evaluations
of police practices (Pryce 2016; Sunshine and Tyler 2003). Evalua-
tions of these practices are likely to involve the possible conse-
quences, good or bad, associated with them (e.g., Feldman 1988).
To better understand these perceived consequences, and sources
of these perceptions, we draw from cognitive psychology and the-
ories of rational choice (Becker 1968; Blankenship et al. 2008;
Hechter and Kanazawa 1997; Nagin and Paternoster 1993;
Tversky and Kahneman 1974).
Individuals’ normative beliefs and orientations serve as “psycho-
logical anchors” for cognitive evaluation and perception of the world.
Anchoring is a cognitive heuristic where individuals rely on a precon-
ceived notion to shape their beliefs, and adjust their views only mar-
ginally from that point (Blankenship et al. 2008; Meub and Proeger
2015; Tversky and Kahneman 1974). Indeed, anchoring plays a con-
siderable role in the perceptions and opinions that an individual pos-
sesses, particularly when little information is known on the topic
(Chapman and Johnson 1999). For instance, anchoring is commonly
used as a means of estimating risk and uncertainty (Plous 1989;
Wright and Anderson 1989), and predicting future performance
(Switzer and Sniezek 1991). Legitimacy appears to function as an
anchor for individual evaluations of police (Fox et al. 2018; Pryce
2016; Sunshine and Tyler 2003), with recent research demonstrating
that legitimacy colors individuals’ subjective perceptions of police
appearance and behavior (Moule et al. 2018). As Sunshine and Tyler
(2003: 517) noted, “when [police] are not viewed as legitimate, their
actions are subject to challenge, their decisions are not accepted, and
their directives are ignored.” This recognition provides a theoretical
basis for the direct effects of legitimacy on empowerment.
With respect to indirect effects connecting legitimacy and
empowerment, we draw on rational choice theories to formulate
these linkages. Rational choice theories contend that individuals
evaluate the potential costs and benefits of possible actions
(Beccaria [1764] 1963; Bentham [1789] 1948). These evaluations,
in turn, shape individual behavior (Becker 1968; Nagin and
Paternoster 1993). Assessments of these possible consequences are
not random; rather, paralleling the notion of psychological
anchors, they vary as a function of individual dispositions and
normative orientations (e.g., Agnew 2011; Matsueda et al. 2006;
Piquero and Tibbetts 1996; Pogarsky et al. 2017; Stanovich 1999).
Specifically, the perceived consequences of a behavior should pro-
vide indirect pathways between individual dispositions and
Moule, Burruss, Parry, & Fox 81
behaviors. In this case, the perceived consequences of empower-
ment should link legitimacy and the willingness to empower
police. Consistent with our interpretation of legitimacy as an
anchor, we argue that it is one such influential disposition, directly
influencing public willingness to empower police (Sunshine and
Tyler 2003). Legitimacy should then also shape the perceived con-
sequences of police behavior, because members of the public are
anchored to the belief that the police will act in a legitimate
(e.g., fair, effective, and just) fashion (MacCoun 2005; Tyler 2006).
The perceived consequences of police behavior should also
influence public willingness to empower the police (see, generally,
Levi and Stoker 2000). Two perceived consequences, one cost and
one potential benefit, seem especially relevant with regard to public
empowerment of police: improved police effectiveness and harm to
civil rights. These possible consequences of empowering the police
reflect the natural tensions between the government and the citi-
zenry (Chong 1993; McClosky and Brill 1983; Packer 1964; Snider-
man et al. 1996) and are persisting dimensions of the public
discourse on law enforcement (President’s Task Force on 21st Cen-
tury Policing 2015).
First, a possible benefit of any police practice is that it assists
law enforcement in being more effective at preventing and fighting
crime. Police effectiveness, and perceptions of this effectiveness, is
partially dependent upon the legitimacy of law enforcement
(Engel and Smith 2009; Smith 1994; see also Weitzer and Tuch
2005). Indeed, trust—a prominent component of legitimacy—in
social organizations increases perceptions of the effectiveness of
those institutions (Sunshine and Tyler 2003; Walters 2004). Citi-
zen perceptions of program effectiveness should, consequently,
shape their support for those programmatic efforts (see Gould
2002; Lock 1999). If police practices are perceived as being likely
to improve police effectiveness, support for those programs and
police behaviors would also be expected to increase.
The second potential consequence of any police practice is that
it may infringe on individuals’ civil liberties (Gould 2002). Past
research suggests that key aspects of legitimacy, such as trust, color
the perceptions of possible threats to personal civil liberties posed
by social institutions. These perceptions similarly shape assessments
of institutional practices (Borchers 2001; Siegrist et al. 2000).
Assessments of law enforcement are no exception. Higher levels of
trust in the police correspond with lower levels of concern about
the loss of, or potential infringement upon, civil liberties by the
government (see Davis and Silver 2004). Lower levels of concern
about the possible loss of civil liberties, in turn, should correspond
with more support for police practices. Taken together, these per-
ceived costs and benefits associated with empowerment offer
82 Effects of Legitimacy on Public Empowerment of Police
potential indirect paths for legitimacy to influence public willing-
ness to empower law enforcement.
Understanding public willingness to empower the police is par-
ticularly timely, given that a number of contentious issues involving
law enforcement that have gained prominence in recent years
across the United States (President’s Task Force on 21st Century
Policing 2015; Weitzer 2017). One such issue involves the militariza-
tion of local law enforcement (President’s Task Force on 21st Cen-
tury Policing 2015). We consider empowerment in the context of
police militarization, a controversial set of practices brought to light
by the events that occurred in Ferguson in 2014, and around which
debate persists today. We discuss the militarization of American
police, and the role that legitimacy and the perceived consequences
of militarization may play in shaping public willingness to empower
police to become more militarized, in the following section.
A Context to Examine the Empowerment Hypothesis:
Police Militarization
Writing in the mid-1990s, Kraska and colleagues (Kraska and
Cubellis 1997; Kraska and Kappeler 1997) argued that American
police were slowly beginning to look more and more like the
Armed Forces. The authors elaborated on the growing resem-
blance of the police to the military through the use of the concepts
of militarism and militarization (see also Kraska 2007). Militarism is
the foundation for militarization (Berghahn 1982; Eide and Thee
1980); it involves “beliefs, values, and assumptions that stress the
use of force and threat of violence as the most appropriate and effi-
cacious means to solve problems” (Kraska 2007: 503).1 Police mili-
tarization, in turn, refers to the “process whereby civilian police
increasingly draw from, and pattern themselves around, the tenets
of militarism and the military model” (Kraska 2007: 503).2
1 With regard to the sources of militarism, Balko (2013) noted that it was not a sin-
gle decision to militarize the police. Rather, it was a slow progression from officers run-
ning soup kitchens for the poor to standing atop armored personnel carriers. These
changes were driven by a number of factors, including public fears of crime, political rhe-
toric, and declarations of war against abstract concepts (such as the war on crime, drugs,
and terror). Kraska and Cubellis (1997: 623) suggested this growth was also the result of
a “complex of for-profit training, weapons, and equipment suppliers” promoting militari-
zation. It is also reinforced among law enforcement officers through socialization into the
police culture (e.g., the emphasis on danger, distrust of the citizenry; see, e.g., Crank
2015; Jefferson 1990).
2 Having drawn its roots from the English model, American law enforcement has
always been militarized to some degree, sharing similar hierarchical organizational struc-
tures, the state-sanctioned ability to use violence, and some overlap in appearance, such
as uniforms and rank insignia, with the military (Kraska 2007; see also Bittner 1970;
Kraska and Kappeler 1997; Uchida 1997).
Moule, Burruss, Parry, & Fox 83
This patterning includes the acquisition of surplus military
weapons, equipment, and vehicles (Balko 2013; Campbell and
Campbell 2010; Kraska 2007), and has been occurring for some
time.3
American police have slowly been becoming more militarized
since the 1960s (Maguire and King 2004). Kraska and colleagues
(Kraska and Cubellis 1997; Kraska and Kappeler 1997), for
example, documented the growth of paramilitary policing units,
such as Special Weapons and Tactics (S.W.A.T.) teams. These units
are closely associated with militarization, as they commonly use
surplus military weapons and equipment and were originally
developed to respond to dangerous criminal events, such as ter-
rorist attacks and hostage situations (Beck 1972; Kraska and Kap-
peler 1997). Kraska and Cubellis (1997) found a sharp uptick in
the number of agencies harnessing paramilitary units throughout
the 1980s. As these units became more commonplace, they were
increasingly harnessed for additional police activities. Indeed,
paramilitary units were increasingly used for the serving of war-
rants and proactive patrols (e.g., Balko 2013; Kraska and Cubellis
1997), practices that continue through to the present day.
Kraska and colleagues (Kraska and Cubellis 1997; Kraska and
Kappeler 1997) were unable to explain why paramilitary policing
units were becoming more common, finding factors such as crime
rates did not predict the use of S.W.A.T. teams by police agencies.
They suggested that this growth was a result of federal funding
initiatives providing local police access to surplus military equip-
ment (Balko 2013; Pennella and Nacci 1997). These initiatives
were typified by the 1033 Program, a military-law enforcement
equipment exchange program enacted as part of the National
Defense Authorization Act of Fiscal Year 1997 (US House Com-
mittee on Armed Services 2014). In the wake of September
11, 2001 terror attacks, additional funding streams allowed
departments to acquire new technologies and equipment, further
promoting the militarization of local law enforcement (Balko
2013; Chaffetz and Cummins 2016). Radil et al. (2017: 208) and
Delehanty et al. (2017) noted that 80 percent of U.S. counties had
received equipment through the 1033 Program between 2006
and 2013.4 To date, over 8000 law enforcement agencies,
3 Given our focus on American citizens, our literature review concentrates on milita-
rization of American police (see, more generally, Kappeler and Kraska 2015). Nonethe-
less, in recent years, discussions of militarization in other countries have begun to emerge
(see, e.g. Linke 2010; Moloeznik 2013). We revisit this consideration in the discussion
section of the article.
4 Importantly, crime was continuing to decline during this time period (e.g., Parker
et al. 2017). We cannot speak to whether the 1033 Program or other federal initiatives
influenced this decline.
84 Effects of Legitimacy on Public Empowerment of Police
representing roughly 45 percent of all police agencies in the U-
nited States,5 have participated in the Program (Defense Logistics
Agency 2018).
The militarization of American police continued largely with-
out controversy throughout the 2000s (Balko 2013). However, the
civil unrest, and police response, seen in Ferguson in 2014 served
as a flashpoint for the public discourse surrounding police milita-
rization. Nightly news broadcasts depicted heavily armored police
clad in camouflage and combat gear, pointing military-style
weapons at civilians (Kesling and Shallwani 2014). In the wake of
these events, policy makers and stakeholders debated the merits
of militarized police, expressing concerns about the consequences
of militarization for citizens’ civil rights and police effectiveness
(Madhani 2014; Paul 2014; President’s Task Force on 21st Cen-
tury Policing 2015). These concerns lead President Obama to
issue an executive order curtailing access to some surplus military
equipment and weapons available through the 1033 Program
(Korte 2015).6 In August of 2017, President Trump rescinded the
Obama-era executive order. Rescinding the Obama-era executive
order was done due to concerns about officer and public safety
and police effectiveness (Goldman 2017). For example, current
Attorney General Jefferson Sessions criticized the Obama execu-
tive order, claiming “Those restrictions went too far. We will not
put superficial concerns above public safety” (Ebert 2017: para 9).
These events, and the arguments they have provoked, provide
the backdrop for the current study.
Current Study
A substantial body of research has examined the process-
based model of policing, finding support for the linkages between
procedural justice, legitimacy, compliance, and cooperation
(Mazerolle et al. 2013; Nagin and Telep 2017; Reisig et al. 2007;
Tyler 2006, 2017). Limited research has examined the empower-
ment hypothesis, by which legitimacy engenders public willing-
ness to empower law enforcement (Pryce 2016; Sunshine and
Tyler 2003). We first argue for and assess whether legitimacy
5 According to the 2008 Census of State and Local Law Enforcement (Reaves 2011),
there are roughly 18,000 law enforcement agencies in the United States (for information
on federal law enforcement agencies, see Reaves 2012).
6 The recommendations from the Obama executive order are available at https://
obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/sites/default/files/docs/le_equipment_wg_final_report_
final.pdf.
The Trump executive order is available at https://www.hsdl.org/?abstract&did=
803770.
Moule, Burruss, Parry, & Fox 85
https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/sites/default/files/docs/le_equipment_wg_final_report_final.pdf
https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/sites/default/files/docs/le_equipment_wg_final_report_final.pdf
https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/sites/default/files/docs/le_equipment_wg_final_report_final.pdf
https://www.hsdl.org/?abstract&did=803770
https://www.hsdl.org/?abstract&did=803770
exhibits direct effects on empowerment, within the context of
police militarization. Second, drawing on insights from rational
choice theory, we argue that legitimacy forms the basis for asses-
sing the perceived consequence of militarization. These perceived
consequences should also influence public willingness to empower
police to become more militarized. We thus also consider the indi-
rect effects of legitimacy on empowerment through these per-
ceived consequences. We specify and test a total of seven
hypotheses regarding legitimacy and empowerment.
Hypothesis 1:Higher levels of police legitimacy will increase
support for police use of military surplus equipment.
Hypothesis 2: Higher perceptions that militarization increases
police effectiveness will increase support for the police use of mili-
tary surplus equipment.
Hypothesis 3: Higher perceptions that militarization will
increase violations of citizens’ rights will decrease support for
police use of military surplus equipment.
Hypothesis 4a: Higher levels of police legitimacy will increase
perceptions that militarization will make the police more effective.
Hypothesis 4b:Higher levels of police legitimacy will reduce
perceptions that militarization will result in increased violation of
citizens’ rights.
Hypothesis 5a: Legitimacy will show an indirect effect on sup-
port for police use of surplus military equipment through percep-
tions that militarization increases police effectiveness.
Hypothesis 5b: Legitimacy will show an indirect effect on sup-
port for police use of surplus military equipment through percep-
tions that militarization increases violations of citizen’s rights.
In the following section, we detail the data and methods used
to answer our research questions and better elaborate on the
legitimacy-empowerment link.
Methods
Data
Data used in the current study consist of a national sample of
702 American adults surveyed about their perceptions of law
enforcement, particularly issues relating to police militarization
(see Fox et al. 2018; Moule et al. 2018). Data were collected in the
Spring of 2017 using Qualtrics’ online survey service.7 The service
contains over 13 million diverse users who are solicited to partici-
pate in survey research through multiple methods, and is
7 For more information on Qualtrics, please see www.qualtrics.com.
86 Effects of Legitimacy on Public Empowerment of Police
http://www.qualtrics.com
increasingly being used in social science research (Bushman
et al. 2012; Wright and Skagerberg 2012). Respondents were
selected from Qualtrics’ list of survey participants using stratified
random sampling procedures. Participants were stratified on gen-
der, race, and household income to mirror the composition of
American adults from the 2010 U.S. Census.8
A total of 705 individuals originally completed the instrument;
three individuals were removed for failing attention checks
(Oppenheimer, Meyvis and Davidenko 2009). The remaining
702 participants entered and completed the survey in a satisfactory
manner. Responses were required for all questions, resulting in no
missing data. Surveys were completed in an average of 18 minutes,
and respondents were compensated above industry standards
($3 upon completion) to encourage high response and completion
rates in the study. Overall, the data are well suited for addressing
the empowerment hypothesis, and examining the direct and indi-
rect effects of legitimacy on public empowerment of the police.
Dependent Variable
Support for Police Use of Surplus Military Equipment was measured as
a latent factor using four items capturing sentiments toward police
use of equipment commonly associated with militarization
(e.g., surplus military equipment, style of dress, or “material
militarization”; see Kraska 2007; Lockwood et al. 2018). Respondents
were asked whether law enforcement should be able to (1) use surplus
military weapons (e.g., assault weapons, AR-15/M4; submachine guns,
MP5), (2) use surplus military vehicles (e.g., BearCat armored person-
nel carrier, mine resistant ambush protected vehicle-MRAP), (3) use
surplus military equipment (e.g., computers, tools, generators, etc.;
see, e.g., Radil et al. 2017), and (4) wear military style uniforms.
Respondents indicated agreement with each statement on a Likert
scale ranging from 1 (Strongly disagree) to 4 (Strongly agree), with
higher values indicating more support for police use of surplus mili-
tary equipment. We note that the phrasing of these questions explic-
itly concerns respondent views about whether or not police should be
allowed to engage in these behaviors, consistent with the discretionary
aspect of the empowerment hypothesis.
8 This corresponds with the following criteria used for present study. Gender: 50%
male, 50% female; Race: 60% white, 20% black, 20% Hispanic; Annual Household
Income: 14% under $15,000, 16% $15,000–$29,999, 14% $30,000–$44,999, 12%
$45,000–$59,999, 10% $60,000–$74,999, 10% $75,000–$89,999, 11% $90,000–$124,999,
9% $125,000–199,999, 4% over $200,000.
Moule, Burruss, Parry, & Fox 87
Independent Variables
Increased Police Effectiveness Associated with Militarization is a sin-
gle item indicating the extent to which respondents believe pro-
viding police with surplus military equipment will make them
better able to fight crime. Respondents were specifically asked the
extent to which they agreed with following statement: “The use of
surplus military weapons, vehicles, equipment, and technology
will make law enforcement more effective at fighting crime.”
Respondents indicated agreement with this statement on a Likert
scale ranging from 1 (Strongly disagree) to 4 (Strongly agree).
Increased Violations of Citizens’ Rights Associated with Militarization
is a single item indicating the extent to which respondents believe
that providing surplus military equipment to law enforcement will
result in the erosion of civil rights. Respondents were asked the
extent to which they agreed with the following statement: “The
use of surplus military weapons, vehicles, equipment, and technol-
ogy will make law enforcement more likely to violate citizens’
rights.” Respondents indicated agreement with this statement,
with response categories ranging from 1 (Strongly disagree) to
4 (Strongly agree).
Police Legitimacy is measured using eight items capturing
respondents’ feelings toward the police, an important foundation
from which willingness to empower the police emerges. Measures
of trust in police and obligation to obey were adapted from prior
research (e.g., Parry et al. 2017; Reisig et al. 2007; Sunshine and
Tyler 2003). Respondents were asked the extent to which they
agreed with the following: (1) Most police officers do their job
well; (2) I respect the police and their authority; (3) I trust police
officers; (4) I am confident in law enforcement; (5) In general,
police officers act professionally; (6) The police can be trusted to
make decisions that are best for my community; (7) You should
accept police decisions, even if you think they are wrong; and (8)
You should do what the police tell you even if you disagree.
Responses to each item ranged from 1 (Strongly disagree) to
4 (Strongly agree), with higher scores indicating stronger percep-
tions of police legitimacy. Legitimacy was also measured as a first-
order latent factor (assessment of the measurement model is
reported below).
We also account for demographic and socioeconomic charac-
teristics that might influence willingness to empower police
(Moule et al. 2018). Political conservatism is a two-item scale
(r = .80), with respondents indicating how fiscally and socially
conservative they are. Respondents were asked “How would you
describe your political views on [social/fiscal] issues?” Responses
for each item ranged from 1 (Extremely Liberal) to 4 (Extremely
88 Effects of Legitimacy on Public Empowerment of Police
Conservative). Higher scores indicate stronger conservative
beliefs. Veteran (=1, no military service = 0) is a dummy variable
indicating whether the respondent reported being a current or
former member of the US Armed Forces, including the National
Guard or Reserves (White et al. 2012). We account for respondent
age (in years) and whether the respondent is male (=1, female = 0).
With regard to race, we account for whether the respondent is
white (=1, non-white = 0). Respondent residence is measured as a
dummy variable, urban (=1, suburban or rural = 0). Respondent
education is measured as a dummy variable indicating whether
they possessed a college degree (=1, no college degree = 0). Finally,
we account for whether the respondent is currently married (=1,
not married = 0) and whether they are a parent (=1, no
children = 0).
Analytic Strategy
To test hypotheses about public support for police use of mili-
tary surplus equipment, we used SEM (Bollen 1989; Bowen and
Guo 2011). SEM offers several benefits for analysis including the
simultaneous evaluation of multiple dependent variables, the
measure of observed variables that purges error variance, and the
estimation of indirect effects in tests of mediation. Two of the con-
cepts we included in the analysis were modeled as latent factors:
police legitimacy and support for police use of surplus military
equipment. These latent factors were first evaluated as measure-
ment models. Then, when determined to fit the data, these latent
factors were included in the structural model.
The hypotheses were evaluated through the regression
coefficients’ predicted direction, statistical significance, and model
r-square. Furthermore, the measurement and structural models
were assessed through four goodness-of-fit indexes that help
determine if the model implied covariance matrix fit the data.
The chi-square test should be nonsignificant, although it is prone
to detect small differences in large samples. The Tucker-Lewis
index (TLI) and comparative fit index (CFI) should both be above
0.950 for a good fit or at least above 0.900 for a reasonable fit
(Bollen 1989). The root mean error of approximation (RMSEA)
should be below 0.050 for a good fit and less than 0.100 for a rea-
sonable fit (Hu and Bentler 1999). Also, for the measurement
model, the factor loading coefficients should be above 0.300
(Kline 2005). Taken together, these goodness-of-fit indexes sug-
gest there is concordance between the theoretical model and
the data.
Because latent factors included ordinal observed variables, the
models were estimated through weighted least squares and
Moule, Burruss, Parry, & Fox 89
variance adjusted (WLSMV) estimator in the software R’s Lavaan
package (Rosseel 2012). When employed, the WLSMV returns
probit coefficients for the structural paths and estimates the
observed categorical variables as latent continuous distributions.
In addition, significance of the indirect effects was estimated by
bootstrapped standard errors and confidence intervals.
Results
The descriptive statistics for the sample are reported in
Table 1, and the correlation matrix is reported in Table 2. The
average respondent was female (51 percent), lived in a rural or
suburban location (70.9 percent), white (64 percent), not married
(53 percent), a parent (68 percent), and not a veteran (89 percent).
The respondents were about in the middle of the conservative
scale (m = 5.08 on a scale that ranged from 2 to 8). As for views
about the use of surplus military gear will make law enforcement
more effective, the mean was 2.77 and the modal agreement cate-
gory was 3 (44 percent) on a 4-point scale. For views on whether
the acquisition and use of military surplus equipment will make
law enforcement likely to violate rights, the mean was 2.42 and
the modal agreement category was 2 (37 percent) on a 4-point
scale.
Table 1. Descriptive Statistics (N = 702)
Variable Mean s.d. Minimum Maximum
Military surplus
Military surplus weapon 2.447 1.065 1 4
Military surplus vehicle 2.628 1.037 1 4
Military surplus equipment 3.017 0.927 1 4
Military style uniforms 2.511 1.012 1 4
Legitimacy
Trust a 3.278 0.685 1 4
Trust b 3.393 0.702 1 4
Trust c 3.105 0.808 1 4
Trust d 3.060 0.764 1 4
Trust e 3.225 0.707 1 4
Trust f 2.910 0.781 1 4
Obey a 2.568 0.889 1 4
Obey b 3.111 0.762 1 4
Attitudes toward militarization
Militarization effectiveness 2.768 0.931 1 4
Militarization violation rights 2.417 0.972 1 4
Control variables
Age 47.638 15.147 18 85
Male 0.487 0.500 0 1
Urban 0.291 0.454 0 1
White 0.638 0.481 0 1
Conservative 5.077 1.598 2 8
Married 0.470 0.499 0 1
Parent 0.679 0.467 0 1
Veteran 0.111 0.314 0 1
Notes: Standard deviation is s.d.
90 Effects of Legitimacy on Public Empowerment of Police
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l.
Bivariate correlations present in Table 2 provide preliminary
evidence in favor of our theoretical model. The components of
legitimacy—measures of trust and obligation to obey the police—
positively correlate with measures of support for police use of mil-
itary surplus equipment. Measures of legitimacy also positively
correlate with belief that police use of surplus military equipment
will increase police effectiveness, while negatively correlating with
belief that police use of surplus military equipment will make law
enforcement likely to violate civil rights. These perceived conse-
quences of militarization correlate as expected with support for
police militarization. With preliminary evidence supporting the
linkages between legitimacy, the perceived consequences of milita-
rization, and support for militarization, we next turn to the mea-
surement model.
The fit of the measurement model is reported in Table 3.9
The measurement model was a good fit, although the model chi-
square was significant (chi-square p < .000; TLI = 0.999;
CFI = 0.999; RMSEA = 0.043, 95 percent c.i. = 0.032, 0.053). All
of the factor loadings for both latent factors were greater than
0.300 and statistically significant (range: 0.460 to 0.914). The
error terms for two observed variables in the legitimacy latent fac-
tor were correlated—obey a and obey b. This was done because
these two variables were different from the trust variables; thus,
correlating the errors made sense statistically and conceptually.
Finally, the correlation between the two latent factors was moder-
ately strong (r = 0.587) and significant (p < .000).
After confirming that the measurement model was a good fit
to the data, we estimated the structural model. The results of the
SEM analysis are reported in Table 4. The model was a good fit to
the data: chi-square p < .000; CFI = 0.993; TLI = 0.991;
RMSEA = 0.060, 95 percent c.i. = 0.054, 0.065. Although the
model chi-square was significant, the sample size is sufficiently
large to expect minor deviations would result in a significant dif-
ference between the data and model implied covariance matrices.
The RMSEA was in the reasonable fit range, and the TLI and
CFI indicated a good fit. Therefore, we concluded the structural
model was a good fit as well.
Hypothesis 1 was confirmed: the effect of legitimacy on sup-
port for police using military surplus was positive and significant
(b = 0.216; p < .050). Both of the militarization attitude variables
had a significant impact of support for police use of surplus mili-
tary equipment (p < .010). Perceptions that militarization would
increase police effectiveness was positively related to willingness to
9 The results reported in Table 4 are from the full structural model, but the mea-
surement model’s individual parameters and model fit were similar.
92 Effects of Legitimacy on Public Empowerment of Police
empower the police (b = 0.489), while perceptions that militariza-
tion would correspond with increased civil rights violations was
negatively related to this willingness (b = −0.070), to support for
police use of surplus military equipment. Thus, Hypotheses 2 and
3 were also supported. Among the control variables, being male,
white, and conservative had a positive significant impact on sup-
port for police use of military surplus. The r-square for the
endogenous latent factor was 0.666. Perceptions that militarization
would increase police effectiveness had the strongest effect
(β = 0.543) followed by legitimacy (β = 0.199).
As for the hypotheses regarding the perceived consequences
of militarization (Hypotheses 4a and 4b), legitimacy had a signifi-
cant effect on both militarization variables and in the predicted
directions. Legitimacy increased perceptions that militarization
would increase police effectiveness (b = 0.546; p < .000), and it
decreased perceptions that militarization would result in more
civil rights violations (b = −0.454; p < .000). The r-squares for
these outcomes were acceptable (.336 for increased effectiveness,
0.331 for increased violations of civil rights). Legitimacy had the
strongest standardized effect on each outcome (β = 0.453 for
increased effectiveness, β = −0.366 for increased violations of civil
rights). Being conservative was the only control variable to have a
significant effect on perceptions that militarization would increase
police effectiveness, which was positive (b = 0.197). Regarding
perceptions that militarization would increase civil rights viola-
tions, age, urbanicity, and conservative were significant. Age and
conservative had a negative impact on these perceptions
(b = −0.181 and −0.011, respectively), while residing in an urban
area (b = 0.308) increased these perceptions. Hypotheses 4a and
4b are thus confirmed.
To test whether the two perceived consequences of police mili-
tarization mediated the direct effect of legitimacy on support for
Table 3. Measurement Model (N = 702)
Estimate s.e. p Value Factor Loading
Military surplus
Surplus weapons 1.000 0.816
Surplus vehicles 1.080 0.021 .000 0.861
Surplus equipment 0.921 0.021 .000 0.769
Military style uniforms 0.792 0.030 .000 0.684
Legitimacy
Trust a 1.000 0.889
Trust b 0.936 0.018 .000 0.832
Trust c 1.029 0.014 .000 0.914
Trust d 1.051 0.014 .000 0.934
Trust e 1.014 0.016 .000 0.901
Trust f 0.971 0.016 .000 0.863
Obey a 0.617 0.032 .000 0.548
Obey b 0.517 0.037 .000 0.460
Notes: The error terms for the variables Obey a and Obey b were correlated.
Moule, Burruss, Parry, & Fox 93
police use of surplus military equipment (Hypotheses 5a and 5b),
we first examined a model with only legitimacy and the controls
regressed on support for police use of surplus military equipment
(not reported for space considerations). Legitimacy was positively
(b = 0.507) and significantly (p < .000) related to this support.
The r-square for the legitimacy-only model of support for police
use of military surplus equipment was 0.426.
The complete path model assessing direct and indirect effects
is shown in Figure 1. Comparing the legitimacy-only model to the
full model (see Table 4), legitimacy was not entirely mediated by
the inclusion of the two perceived consequences of militarization;
that is, legitimacy remained statistically significant in both models.
Table 4. Structural Model (N = 702)
Estimate s.e. p Value β
Militarization effectiveness
Legitimacy 0.546 0.033 .000 0.453
Age 0.004 0.003 .180 0.059
Male 0.106 0.087 .226 0.049
Urban −0.045 0.096 .641 −0.019
White 0.024 0.091 .790 0.011
Conservative 0.197 0.026 .000 0.293
Married 0.156 0.092 .090 0.073
Parent 0.071 0.100 .483 0.031
Veteran 0.235 0.136 .083 0.069
College degree −0.020 0.089 .820 −0.009
Model R2 0.336
Militarization violation rights
Legitimacy −0.454 0.037 .000 −0.366
Age −0.011 0.003 .001 −0.148
Male 0.021 0.087 .812 0.009
Urban 0.308 0.099 .002 0.127
White −0.174 0.092 .059 −0.076
Conservative −0.181 0.027 .000 −0.262
Married −0.096 0.089 .279 −0.043
Parent −0.020 0.099 .836 −0.009
Veteran −0.148 0.139 .287 −0.042
College Grad 0.037 0.087 .674 0.016
Model R2 0.331
Military surplus
Legitimacy 0.216 0.037 .000 0.199
Military effectiveness 0.489 0.033 .000 0.543
Military violation −0.070 0.024 .003 −0.079
Age 0.003 0.002 .133 0.047
Male 0.152 0.054 .005 0.079
Urban −0.066 0.059 .261 −0.031
White 0.153 0.056 .007 0.076
Conservative 0.106 0.017 .000 0.175
Married 0.071 0.056 .210 0.037
Parent −0.059 0.062 .340 −0.028
Veteran 0.132 0.085 .122 0.043
College Grad −0.053 0.054 .326 −0.027
Model R2 0.666
Notes: The fit indicators were: model chi-square p value <.000, CFI = 0.993, TLI = 0.991,
RMSEA = 0.056. The column labeled β reports the standardized regression coefficients. The col-
umn labeled “estimate” reports the unstandardized regression coefficients; for the military surplus
model, the regression coefficients are probit.
94 Effects of Legitimacy on Public Empowerment of Police
The indirect effects of legitimacy through the two perceived con-
sequences of militarization measures were also positive and signifi-
cant (p < .010): increased effectiveness (b = 0.267), and violation
of rights (b = 0.248). The standardized indirect effect was greater
through perceptions of increased effectiveness (β = 0.246) than
perceptions of increased violations of civil rights (β = 0.029).
Adding the two measures of the perceived consequences of milita-
rization to the model improved the model fit (ΔR2 = 0.240).
Thus, Hypotheses 5a and 5b are supported.
In sum, legitimacy exerts a direct effect on support for police
use of surplus military equipment, but also works indirectly
through the perceived consequences of militarization. These per-
ceived consequences, which are influenced by legitimacy, also exert
their own direct effects on support for police use of surplus military
equipment. Taken together, our findings conform to theoretical
expectations. We discuss these findings in the following section.
Discussion
Tyler’s (1990, 2003, 2006) process-based model of policing
occupies a central place in contemporary American policing
research (President’s Task Force on 21st Century Policing 2015).
Decades of research spanning multiple disciplines have found
support for the core contentions of the model: procedurally just
treatment of citizens increases the legitimacy of the police, and
higher levels of police legitimacy correspond with more compli-
ance and cooperation from citizens (Tyler 2017). A third conse-
quence of legitimacy, as suggested by Sunshine and Tyler (2003),
Figure 1. Structural Path Model (N = 702). Notes: The path coefficients are
standardized. Military surplus and legitimacy are latent factors. The indirect
effect paths are dashed and the coefficients are in italics. For simplicity, the
error terms are not shown in the diagram. The correlation between Military
Effective and Militarization Violates Rights is not shown.
Moule, Burruss, Parry, & Fox 95
involves public empowerment of the police. As legitimacy
increases, so too should public willingness to grant police more
discretion to execute their mandate. Compared to other aspects
of the process-based model, the empowerment hypothesis
remains under-examined. Using a national sample of 702 Ameri-
can adults, and a SEM strategy, we sought to examine the direct
and indirect pathways linking legitimacy and empowerment.
Drawing from cognitive psychology and rational choice theories,
particular attention was paid to the perceived consequences of
empowering the police, including the ramifications of militariza-
tion for police effectiveness and citizens’ civil rights. These per-
ceived consequences were tested as being potential indirect
pathways between legitimacy and empowerment. Our results war-
rant three broader points of discussion.
First, perceptions of legitimacy matter for public willingness to
empower police. Consistent with findings by Sunshine and Tyler
(2003), Pryce (2016), and Metcalfe and Hodge (2017), as citizen
perceptions of police legitimacy increase, so too does their willing-
ness to empower the police. This finding builds on prior empow-
erment research in two important ways. This effect occurs in a
demographically and geographically diverse sample of American
adults, suggesting the generalizability of the legitimacy-
empowerment link beyond New York City and Washington,
DC. We extended prior research by linking general perceptions
of police legitimacy with assessments of specific controversial
police practices associated with militarization (e.g., President’s
Task Force on 21st Century Policing 2015). In this case, the will-
ingness to empower law enforcement involved allowing police to
become more militarized through the acquisition and use of sur-
plus military equipment. This focus extends prior work examin-
ing empowerment on other potentially controversial practices,
such as stop and frisk (Sunshine and Tyler 2003). Future research
should consider whether the influence of legitimacy on public
empowerment of police is invariant across categories of individ-
uals, and whether it influences empowerment across other police
practices.
To be sure, the public is not the only group whose values and
beliefs are influential for understanding police policies and prac-
tices. Other stakeholders, including police chiefs and politicians,
also shape the ability of law enforcement to become militarized.10
For example, Nix (2017) demonstrated that police executives
believe the public cares more about effective, rather than proce-
durally just, policing. This would, presumably increase the
10 We thank an anonymous reviewer for this suggestion.
96 Effects of Legitimacy on Public Empowerment of Police
likelihood of agencies becoming more militarized. Political stake-
holders also express support for police militarization (Turner and
Fox 2017). Understanding decision-making processes among
these stakeholders would be useful for understanding the militari-
zation of police. Bottoms and Tankebe (2012, 2013), for example,
suggested a dialogic model, where the path to legitimacy is a fluid
process filled with calls and responses between the police, public,
and other stakeholders. Others, drawing from institutional theory
(Crank and Langworthy 1992; Katz 2001), have made similar sug-
gestions. A more holistic approach to empowerment would take
these multiple perspectives into account, and consider whether
and how militarization influences stakeholder relationships with
their communities. We are unable to address these considerations
with our data, but they are certainly worthy of future study.
Second, consistent with notions of cognitive anchoring and
rational choice (e.g., Blankenship et al. 2008; Nagin and Paternos-
ter 1993), police legitimacy also influences public assessments of
the possible consequences of empowering the police. As percep-
tions of police legitimacy increase, so too do beliefs that becoming
more militarized will increase police effectiveness. Alternatively,
and comporting with prior research (e.g., Davis and Silver 2004),
higher perceptions of legitimacy reduce concerns about civil
rights violations due to militarization. In other words, individuals
who view the police as more legitimate tend to focus on the posi-
tive potential consequences of empowering the police, while
downplaying (or not seeing) the negative possibilities. These per-
ceived consequences act as indirect pathways between legitimacy
and empowerment. Notably, legitimacy continues to exert direct
effects on empowerment once these indirect paths are incorpo-
rated into the structural equation model (see Figure 1), reinfor-
cing the robust relationship between legitimacy and
empowerment. Taken together, this latter set of findings supports
both normative and instrumental explanations for empowering
police, and the linkages between these explanations. Future
research should continue to explore the interplay between per-
ceptions of legitimacy and willingness to empower police. One
important avenue for this research would involve longitudinal
designs and assessments of the relationship between negative
media coverage and changes in legitimacy and support for police
militarization. A second avenue would be assessing the perceived
effects of militarization on effectiveness in relation to specific
crimes or crime types (e.g., Tankebe 2013)
Third, our findings have implications for police policy. As our
results demonstrate, legitimacy is a strong predictor of public sup-
port for police acquiring and using surplus military equipment,
net of their perceptions about the possible consequences of police
Moule, Burruss, Parry, & Fox 97
militarization. This finding suggests that police administrations
should work toward improving citizens’ overall perceptions of
legitimacy (Tyler 2006) through engaging in procedurally just
policing, demonstrating effectiveness, and respecting the bound-
aries of their authority (Huq et al. 2017; Tankebe 2009). Proce-
durally just policing especially will pay dividends if law
enforcement agencies are considering implementing specific poli-
cies and practices that might be seen as controversial by the pub-
lic. If the public generally views the police as legitimate, then they
will not only obey the law, but also defer to those practices, pro-
grams, and policies. Conversely, in jurisdictions where the com-
munity views the police as lacking legitimacy, such practices may
be seen as oppressive (Balko 2013; but see Kochel and Weisburd
2017). As demonstrated here, any practice perceived to be ineffec-
tive or infringing citizens’ rights will likely have less support from
the public, but legitimacy is a global lens through which these
practices are also evaluated.
As with any study, the current study is not without limitations.
First, the data are cross sectional, carrying with this recognition of
the usual concerns about causality. Longitudinal data would be
ideal for assessing empowerment, as legitimacy and empower-
ment may have reciprocal effects. Likewise, the perceived conse-
quences of militarization may vary over time (Pogarsky
et al. 2017; Smith et al. 1990; Wilson et al. 2017). Nonetheless,
prior tests of the empowerment hypothesis have been cross sec-
tional, and our findings operate in theoretically expected direc-
tions. Second, we concentrated on only two potential
consequences of militarization as pathways between legitimacy
and empowerment; there are likely other potential consequences,
such as the financial cost of programs or accountability associated
with a program (e.g., Latessa and Holsinger 1998), that individ-
uals consider in their willingness to empower police. Accountabil-
ity may be especially influential for understanding empowerment
and militarization, as the 1033 Program was scrutinized by Presi-
dent Obama due to a lack of oversight (Sherman 2014). Assessing
these alternative pathways should be a priority for future
research. Third, other individual characteristics might also influ-
ence willingness to empower police. For instance, general assess-
ments of police effectiveness, or perceptions of individual risk,
might play a role in fostering empowerment. Integrating these
characteristics into assessments of empowerment should be a pri-
ority of future research (Pryce 2016).
Further, in examining empowerment and police militariza-
tion, we have drawn primarily from American research on the
process-based model. Nonetheless, in recent years, other coun-
tries have also begun to wrestle with issues of empowerment and
98 Effects of Legitimacy on Public Empowerment of Police
militarization, including Germany, Brazil, Canada, and the United
Kingdom (e.g., Jefferson 1990; The Week 2017). For example, in
the United Kingdom, counter-terrorism police units have been
developed that resemble the Special Air Service (SAS), and are
much more heavily armed than traditional British police (Evans
2016). Discussions of police militarization in other countries, espe-
cially those located in continental Europe, tend to focus on the
issue within the context of specific problems (e.g., border security
and high profile crimes), rather than the general question of pub-
lic willingness to allow police to address these problems in a par-
ticular manner (Easton et al. 2010; Linke 2010; Weber 2001).11
To the extent that other countries are experiencing militarization,
or already maintain a militarized police force (Beede 2008; Lut-
terbeck 2004; McCulloch 2004), questions about empowerment
persist and should be examined. We are aware of only one study
examining public empowerment of police in a non-American con-
text (see Metcalfe and Hodge 2017). In non-Western or develop-
ing countries, where police effectiveness, rather than procedural
justice, appears to drive legitimacy (Tankebe 2009, 2013), per-
ceived effectiveness may be more salient for public willingness to
continue empowering police (Pryce 2016). Cross-cultural exami-
nations of empowerment, whether general or more specifically in
regard to militarization and its correlates, seem an especially fruit-
ful avenue for future research (Jackson 2018).
In additional to these considerations, methodological concerns
regarding the use of online samples must also be noted. Online
samples are both a time- and cost-effective way for conducting
social science research. While convenience samples from online
platforms are known to underrepresent or exclude certain catego-
ries of individuals (racial/ethnic minorities, impoverished individ-
uals, the illiterate, the elderly, and non-internet users), internet
use in America among historically marginalized groups is increas-
ing (e.g., Mossberger et al. 2008; Moule et al. 2013; Pew 2018).
One means of ensuring that online surveys capture members of
historically marginalized groups, as we do here, is the use of sur-
vey panels where specific sample characteristics can be requested
by researchers (Heen et al. 2014). In their comparison of online
sampling platforms, Heen et al. (2014) found these platforms
were able to provide samples within a 10 percent range of the
actual population. Future research should work to replicate the
11 This may also be a function of historical context, as in some countries, the police
and military have an overlap in duties, responsibilities, and jurisdictions. For example, in
Italy the Carabinieri Corps, founded in 1814, are part of the Army but are tasked with
many traditional policing duties (Mitzman 2014). The Carabinieri work alongside, and in
addition to, the national police force.
Moule, Burruss, Parry, & Fox 99
results of the current manuscript using alternative sampling strat-
egies. An additional concern of online surveys is that they may
be vulnerable to respondents hurrying through the survey
(Oppenheimer et al. 2009). Instructional manipulation checks
were included to identify suspect responses and exclude respon-
dents who failed any checks.
In the end, the process-based model of policing continues to
have relevance for practitioners, policy makers, and members of
the public. Despite a robust body of research into the process-
based model, neglected aspects of the theory, including the
empowerment hypothesis, warrant greater attention. Our results
lend further support to a small body of literature supporting the
link between legitimacy and public empowerment of police. We
extended this work by also considering indirect paths through
which legitimacy might also operate. In sum, legitimacy appears
to be a robust foundation for understanding how the public evalu-
ates the police generally, as well as specific police practices. We
encourage future research to continue exploring factors influenc-
ing public empowerment of law enforcement.
Acknowledgements
The authors thank the editors and the anonymous reviewers
for their comments on earlier versions of the manuscript. An ear-
lier version of the paper was presented at the 2017 annual meet-
ing of the American Society of Criminology in Philadelphia. We
thank Rick Trinkner for his useful feedback at the meeting.
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106 Effects of Legitimacy on Public Empowerment of Police
https://www.hsdl.org/?view&did=760378
Richard K. Moule, Jr., PhD, is an Assistant Professor in the Department
of Criminology at the University of South Florida. Dr. Moule earned his
PhD in Criminology and Criminal Justice from Arizona State University.
His research interests include criminological theory and the causes, conse-
quences, and perceptions of technology adoption and use.
George W. Burruss, PhD, is an Associate Professor in the Department of
Criminology at the University of South Florida and affiliated with Cyber
Florida. Dr. Burruss earned his PhD in Criminology and Criminal Justice
from the University of Missouri St. Louis in 2001. His research areas
include criminal justice organizations and cybercrime.
Megan M. Parry, PhD, is an Assistant Professor in the Criminology and
Criminal Justice Program at the University of Rhode Island. Dr. Parry
earned her PhD in Criminology and Criminal Justice from Arizona State
University. Her research interests include the intersection of legitimacy,
media, and the criminal justice system.
Bryanna Fox, PhD, is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Crimi-
nology at the University of South Florida. Dr. Fox earned her PhD from
the University of Cambridge. She is a former FBI Special Agent and for-
mer research fellow in the FBI’s Behavioral Science Unit. Her research
interests relate to the psychological and developmental risk factors for crim-
inal behavior, developing evidence-based tools for law enforcement, and
conducting experimental research.
Moule, Burruss, Parry, & Fox 107
Reproduced with permission of copyright owner.
Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Assessing the Direct and Indirect Effects of Legitimacy on Public Empowerment of Police: A Study of Public Support for Pol...
The Process-Based Model of Policing and its Consequences
Indirect Paths Linking Legitimacy and Empowerment: Anchoring and the Perceived Consequences of Empowerment
A Context to Examine the Empowerment Hypothesis: Police Militarization
Current Study
Methods
Data
Dependent Variable
Independent Variables
Analytic Strategy
Results
Discussion
Acknowledgements
References
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